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A significant number of Australians, however, continued to be distrustful of Iapan and doubted whether the formal obligations of the Treaty with Britain would prevent |apan from pursuing policies in the region inimical to Australi4 if Tokyo considered that her vital interests were at stake. This led to a dispute between Canberra and London about the best way to obtain adequate naval protection for Australia. C-anberra argued strongly for the formation of a British Pacific Fleet while london felt that Australia should contribute its naval forces to the North Sea to augrnent the British fleet.

Second, there was lapanese pressure for Australia to accede to the Commercial Treaty signed with Britain. Third, there was the question of Japanese control of the Pacific. While Hughes was adamantly opposed to concessions on the immigration and commercial questions, he had lctter, classified secret, from Prime Minister William Hughes to British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, 4 November 1918. The letter was provoked by a fapanese artide reprinted in The Times on the eve of the armistice, written by the Marquis Okuma, who was fapanese Prinp Minister in 1914.

12. y6. 347. See Regional Conflicts: The Manace of Conmunism 47 revolution, than about Beijing's @pacity for direct armed intervention in the region. In response, the government also began to portray ANZUS as a shield against communism imperialism. At the ANZUS Council meeting inNovember 1953, Richard Casey, who had replaced Spender as Minister for External Affairs, sought to 'dispel any misunderstandings as to the pulpose of ANZUS'. Casey said: It is true that ANZUS was negotiated with the United States at the same time as the Japanese Peace Treaty but the purpose of ANZUS is not solely to provide a safeguard against a resurgence ofJapanese aggression.

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